On the 22 of May, the Deputy Secretary of State John J. Sullivan met with Secretary General of Foreign Affairs Marcos Galvão to formalise the creation of the permanent US-Brazil Security Forum. Which started in 2015 during Dilma Rousseff and Barack Obama administrations, but was interrupted due to the coup against Rousseff, by hands of the Central Agency of Intelligence of the US. The forum was coordinated by the Ministry of External Relations of Brazil and the US State Department aiming at the articulation of interagency and the development of operational strategies around six main topics:

1) Drug-trade
2) Arms
3) Cybernetic crimes
4) Money laundering
5) Terrorism

The first summit is scheduled to take place this year in Washington.

Deputy Secretary of State also included the discussion around commerce, inversion, spacial and defence cooperation; namely, the "humanitarian crisis" and regional support to "restore Venezuela’s democracy." As well as meeting with the Brazilian civil society. All these are topics in which the US government together with the private sector of Brazil progresses to without any obstacle since Dilma Rousseff’s coup.

The American Corporative Lobby in Brazil

During Lula da Silva and Rousseff governments, a focus was to privilege the implementation of free-software in the public institutions. In October 2016, one month after the coup against Rousseff, Microsoft inaugurated a transparency centre in association with the Brazilian Federal government to assist other governments in the region; among them Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Mexico.

This is the first centre of this kind in Latin America which, according with the company:

"[...] operates as an extension of Microsoft’s Governmental Security Programme, and that constitutes a fundamental cornerstone for the integrity of the company in relation to its products and services, which allows the government (implementing such services) to have access to information concerning cybernetic security focused intelligence, protection against Malware, therefore more control over cybernetic crimes."

Is in this frame that the Brazilian Secretary of Information Technology (STI) from the Ministry of Planning, Development and Management, formalises the intention of a business cooperation between the State and the multinational to promote the cyber-security of the country. A few days later, the 24 of October 2016, Michael Temer made public the contract with Microsoft to use their software. Almost a year later in December 2017, was also made public the partnership between the company Boeing and Embraer, a company not only limited to commercial flights, but also in the field of defence (Embraer is a key provider of military hardware). The partnership would create a joint venture in which Boeing would have 80.01% of the participation and the Brazilian company only the 19.99%, a model backed by Temer.

According to Ronald Epstein, analyst for the Bank of America Corp., Boeing would be making a preventive move to block any possible business junction between Embraer with the Chinese company Aircraft Corp.

In the same note, the government of Michael Temer approved the largest GM corn seeds import in decades (Approximately 1 million tons), produced in the US by Monsanto and Bunge. Plus the imminent approval of the so-called "Poison-kit": 27 law-proposals to ease access towards agrochemicals regulations in the country.

Fossil Fuels: From a Coup to business

There are strong evidence about the links between Operation Lava Jato (the big juridical cause which justified the coup against Rousseff and the recent imprisonment of da Silva) and transnational corporations from the United States which are interested in the Southern Atlantic region, particularly in the fossil fuels at the pre-salt layer on Brazilian waters. Just right after Rousseff’s impeachment, the hydrocarbons sector was rapidly opened to the market, dismantling that way the monopoly that Petrobras (a state company) maintained until that moment by the hands of Straffor (an Intelligence company) and the oil companies Chevron, ExxonMobil, Devon Energy and Anadarko.

Ever since Wikileaks leaked the interests and intervention of the US to access privilege information about the reserves Hydro-carbons in the Brazilian pre-salt, several oil companies started to appear in the panorama. Considering that these reserves at the Brazilian pre-salt layers are of around 40,000 millions. As a consequence of the Brazilian energetic market opening, Chevron, Exxon-Mobil, Repsol, Statoil, Royal Dutch Shell Pc, and other companies started to make investments to earn bids of blocks offshore. The biddings from March 2018 raised more than 5,000 million dollars. The next round of bids is scheduled for June 2018, and then again Shell, Chevron, Statoil and ExxonMobil, among others, will be present.

An important fact is to note that Shell and Chevron both own strong links with think-tanks which promoted the energetic opening in moments when the political risk is classified as low; "although the uncertainty towards the next elections," in accordance with the senior consultant from the Centre for Infrastructure of Brazil.

Links between the Public-Private sector of US and the Brazilian elites:
Think-Tanks and Foundations

At this level, it is quite obvious that the Think-Tanks are the key components to reproduce the status quo, through the fabrication and dissemination of ideas and perspectives from determinate experts about any topic in agenda, which is then echoed by the mainstream media; these Think-Tanks also serve in the formation of new leaders, linking them to academic networks where they theorise and justify certain ideologies and political stances. In Latin America, these think-tanks have contributed not only to destabilise progressive governments, but also to justify the implementation of elitist measures, operating inside the region hand-by-hand with so-called non-governmental organisations (NGO) paired and supported from the United States, Canada, Israel and/or the UK; Brazil is not the exception.

Now, back to Microsoft, Monsanto, Boeing and Chevron; all of them are listed as company that directly profited from the coup in Brazil, it is noteworthy that they all also are members of the Council of the Americas (COA), an organism from the US operating in the Latin American region since the 1960s, promoting the "American ways." One of its members is John Negroponte, who from Honduras, at the beginning of the 1980s, was the head behind the counter-insurgency, the dirty war against Sandinism and other liberation movements from Central America. Negroponte was also the ambassador in Mexico when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was in negotiation phase.

The Council of the Americas publishes the magazine Americas Quarterly which, through the voice of experts shapes in great measure the public opinion. In effect, this magazine, together with featured experts from the Council of the Americas in the social networks, had a key role in shaping the public opinion in pro of an impeachment in Brazil.

Recently the Council of the Americas organised the event Renovação Política e Novas Lideranças no Brasil, where it was suggested that for obtaining a more prosperous Brazil, with less violence and inequalities, "a deep reform of the country’s privileges must be done." A statement which overlooks the fact that the main source of violence and inequality in Brazil is the meddling of the organised crime in the state’s policy-making which perpetuates inequality and abuse power in the region; not the mere existence of a system promoting such, as well as the elites which calcify in power. So the problem resides in the implementation of ideological discourses as an epistemic weapon to hijack the state and to maintain the status quo.

Another think-tank with a key role, previous and posterior to the coup against Rousseff is the Atlas Network which operates from Washington since 1981 spreading the American political agenda through the capacitation of young leaders, particularly from Latin America and Eastern Europe, promoting the classic American "laissez-faire": the disruption of foreign economies.

This network works together with 79 other organisations all through Latin America and the Caribbean, with a remarkable presence in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. In Brazil alone, the network counts with 11 associated organism, among them: Instituto Milenium, Instituto de Formação de Líderes São Paulo, Instituto Liberal de São Paulo, Instituto Ludwig vom Mises Brasil and Estudiantes por la Libertad (EPLL).

At the same time, the Atlas Network links itself throughout these partnered organisations to the realm of political parties via Red Liberal de América Latina (RELIAL), a cluster for the political right in Latin America, which is also responsible for the formation of young leaders into the politics, while maintaining a close relation to the National Endowment for Democracy, in which Mario Vargas Llosa is part of the honorary members.

One of the fundamental partners of Atlas Network in Brazil is EPLL a filial of the American foundation Students for Liberty, an organisation which was the key motor behind the demonstrations against Dilma Rousseff in April 2014. But by giving an "active role in politics" to young students, this foundation’s main goal is to "empower" youth, throughout events at public and private institutions, offering counselling, giving guidelines into "American-style political leadership," as well as sponsoring specific projects inside the universities campuses. These young leaders are then linked to Movimiento Brasil Libre for which Kim Kataguiri (a notorious activist) is one at the head.

Another heavy think-tank linked to the Atlas Network is the Milenium Institute, another foundation responsible to reproduce, in great measure, the network’s ethical discourse concerning "the good (American) political practices," which are of course delimited by the Atlas Network and financed by Editora Abril, a publishing house responsible for Revista Veja; the main media against the Brazilian workers party (PT), the same magazine that ignited a "witch-hunt" for Rousseff and da Silva heads. Similarly, Rede Brasil Sul (RBS), part of the network O Globo (another key media of the successful juridical persecution against the PT) and; Grupo Estado, responsible for publishing the daily newspaper O Estado de Sao Paulo. In addition, the support of business entrepreneurs and former officials, all of them representatives of the American establishment like João Roberto Marinho from Grupo Globo, or Armínio Fraga, ex-president for Do Banco Central of Brazil from 1999 to 2002.

New Scientific Technology Agreements and the Defence Industry

Brazil is the second business partner of US defence industry in Latin America below Mexico. After six years of negotiations, the Brazilian Ministerio da Defensa (MD) and the US Department of Defence (DoD) both signed on March 2017, the Master Information Exchange Agreement (MIEA), which provides the expansion of research and development collaboration towards innovation in matter of defence technologies. The Master Information Exchange Agreement enables two previous agreements between both nations: first, the US-Brazil Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) and second, the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) enacted in June 2015.

The chief for the Secretaria de Produtos de Defesa (SEPROD) Flávio Basilio affirms that

"the agreement is the basis for the establishment of any type of bilateral cooperationwith the US, and is another step in the rapprochement between both countries, which allows important collaborations in technology for the Industrial Defense Base of Brazil." In addition, he states that: "the signing of the agreement grants Brazil the status of strategic partner, since the relationship will be of joint development, not just buying and selling."

However, at the same time that technological innovation is promoted, the traditional programs (since the beginning of the 1950s) for the transfer of military equipment are maintained. Illustrative of this is the donation of 50 armoured vehicles of the US Army, with an average of 30 years old, carried out through the donation program of Excess Defense Items (EDA) On the 30 of September in 2016 (a month after Rousseff’s coup), was celebrated in Brasilia the first US-Brazil Defense Industry Dialogue (DID), with the objective of analysing ways to deepen the cooperation of the defence sectors and facilitate bilateral trade in this area.

During the meeting, headed by Brazilian Defense Minister Raul Jungman and the then US ambassador to Brazil, Liliana Ayalde, a declaration of intent was signed to expand bilateral cooperation and stimulate business between the defence sectors and private companies of both countries (strategically incorporating the private sector in defence debates). According to Landon Loomis, commercial attaché of the US embassy in Brasilia,

"Many US companies in this industry have already formed successful joint ventures with partners in Brazil. The Dialogue among the Defense Industries will help us expand our current participation and work even more together […]"

According to a report by the US Department of Defence, in the first year, the Defence Industry Dialogue made progress in export controls and other regulatory issues. For the second year, the main objectives were to strengthen bilateral defence trade and investment and increase technological cooperation. In October 2017, the second "US-Brazil Defense Industry Dialogue summit" was held in Washington, in which representatives of the Department of State, Department of Commerce, Department of Defense, NASA, BAE Systems, Motorola, Beyond Horizons Space Consulting, the aeronautics company Boeing, General Atomics, among others participated.

Corporative lobby, elites of Brazil & the future of Latin America

Centro Estratégico Latinoamericano de Geopolítica (CELAG) — May 2018


Fantástico: Protests agaisnt Dilma

RecordTV Jornal da Record:
Protests Against Temer ended in Clashes